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McKINLEY DAY BANQUET ^ 

Tuesday, January 29, 1907. 
Responses by 

Governor Andrew L; Harris 
and Professor Mattoon M. Curtis 



^Tippecanoe 
Club 



£7/ 



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Exchange 

West. Res. Hist. Soc. 

1915 






MEMORIES OF McKINLEY 

Governor ANDREW L. HARRIS. 



"To live in hearts tve leave behind 
^ is not to die." — Campbell. 

^ In referring to "Memories of McKinley," I am reminded that 

Governor Herrick, the distinguished Toastmaster of the evening, 
was no doubt as close to the martyred President as any man who 
still survives him. Governor Herrick was not only a member of 
his Staff and a delegate at State and National Conventions at 
which McKinley was nominated, but he was also his adviser and 
helper in private business and personal matters, as well as in party 
and public affairs. Herrick's home was McKinley 's home in 
Cleveland, and McKinley's home was Herrick's home in Canton. 
Later, Herrick was also at home with McKinley in Columbus and 
Washington. 

Ten years ago tonight, McKinley was celebrating his birthday 
at his old home. It was his last birthday in Canton. He had 
been a private citizen the previous year and was at that time the 
President-elect of the United States. 

During the five weeks intervening between that birthday and 
his inauguration, he was constantly in conferences with those 
seeking to become Cabinet Ministers, Ambassadors or otherwise 
listed in the Blue Book. There was then to be a change from a 
Democratic to a Republican National Administration. That was 
perhaps the most strenuous birthday of his life. The most difficult 
questions of party and public policy were, even then, pressing 
hard upon him. He had often gone from Canton to Washington 
during the previous 20 years, but he had never made that trip 
under such circumstances as confronted him on that birthday. 

What a career was his in public life for a quarter of a cen- 
tury.'* From Congressman to Governor, and from Governor to 
President, he passed up with such brief intervals that he was con- 
stantly before the people, from the Hayes campaign of 1876 until 
his death in 1901. 

As you will toniglit have an able address on this good and 
great man and brave soldier from one of our foremost scholars 
and orators, I will speak only of personal recollections of him as 
a Christian, husband and companion. Having served as Lieutenant- 
Governor, when McKinley was for four years Governor, it was my 
fortune to have toured the state with him in different campaigns, 
and to have been personally associated with him after his first 
gubernatorial campaign. 



I had known of William McKinley for many years, but met 
liim for the first time at the Republican State Convention, in Col- 
umbus, in 1891 J when he was nominated for Governor, and I was 
made his running-mate. He invited me to his room, in the evening 
after we were nominated, for a consultation, and to get better 
acquainted. He spoke particularly of the coming campaign and 
of its management. He expressed the hope that it would be a 
contest of principles and not of money, a struggle of reason and 
not of abuse, and that so far as he was concerned, it should be 
manly and fair, that he never would consent to compromise himself 
in the least to get votes; and he did not. No campaign was ever 
waged, no battle was ever fought with more honor, and no political 
victory was a greater moral triumph. 

The great contest for United States Senator between Senator 
Sherman and Governor Foraker was waging at the time of Mc- 
Kinley's first election as Governor. Both were his friends. He 
wished to keep out of that struggle. His sympathy was with 
Sherman — not for personal reasons alone. Foraker had placed him 
in nomination before the Convention in that same year, in one 
of his most brilliant and eloquent speeches. Foraker had a good 
subejct and he carried the convention by storm. He left a sick 
bed to do this for his friend. McKinley was grateful to him, in- 
deed, and could not forget him. The struggle went on. Sherman 
was in danger of defeat. McKinley felt that the financial condi- 
tion of the country demanded Sherman's retention in the Senate. 
Duty was stronger than friendship. Sherman was elected. Many 
members of the Legislature were so sorely disappointed that they 
criticised the Governor. He took them into his confidence and 
made them his friends, and soon had their undivided support. They 
may have remained as Foraker men or as Sherman men, but they 
were all McKinley men. 

It was my good fortune to travel with him during a part of 
the campaign of 1891, and during the entire campaign of 1893. 
For many weeks I was his companion, traveling in the same car, 
occupying the same platform, dining at the same table, and 

E'-cquently sleeping in the same room. I learned to know him and 
love him. Whether conversing with a friend or addressing a 
>(^/eat audience, he showed his magnetic influence over his fellow 
;^man. While his eloquence was not brilliant, it was convincing, and 
|his hearers always gave him the credit of being honest and sincere. 
^ The people of the State loved him more in 1893 than in 1891, 

because they knew him better, and to know him was to admire him. 
He had so completely won the admiration of the people during his 
first term as Governor, that no other speaker was in great demand 
during his second campaign. His meetings were largely attended 
everywhere. His hearers listened with great attention and drank 



in every word that fell from his lips. The most casual observer 
could sec that he was the favorite son of the State. 

I pitied the man who was called upon to speak either before 
or after McKinley that j'ear. If he spoke before him, the audience 
seemed anxious for something or somebody else. If he spoke 
after him, there did not seem to be anything more wanted. My 
experience was the exprience of other speakers more gifted in 
speech than myself. The late lamented General Alger was with 
us, by invitation, one week. His experience was like mine. We 
frequently talked about the wonderful hold ^McKinley had on the 
people, and neither of us had any choice as to which one would 
precede or follow ^IcKinley, as the conditions were about the same. 

In campaigning it was not always possible for us to get sepa- 
rate rooms. McKinley preferred a room with two beds, so that 
we could talk over matters before retiring, and while dressing in 
the morning. He utilized all of his time. He shaved himself 
every morning, using one hand for one side of his face and the 
other hand with which to shave the other side, meantime walking 
about the room and talking as if he was not engaged in what, to 
most people, is a very delicate job. He frequently glanced over 
the newspapers while shaving himself and used no mirror. He 
never laid awake thinking about business, politics or anything. He 
was an excellent sleeper, and fell asleep at once on retiring. He 
could always utilize time on the trains in rest and could go to 
sleep at will. In a very unostentatious manner, he always had liis 
private devotions, and knelt at his bedside the last thing at night 
and the first thing in the morning. 

Whenever McKinley was away he always telegraphed his 
wife — twice a day — morning and evening. When I was out in 
tKe campaigns with him he was looking for telegrams every day 
from her. 

It is known to all who were about the Capitol when McKinley 
was Governor, that business in his private office stopped for a 
moment at 3:00 p. m., no matter who was with him nor what was 
pending. At that hour he invariably went to the window to wave 
his handkerchief. Mrs. McKinley would then be up from her 
repose and at her window in the Neil House, just across the street, 
waving her handkerchief at him. When they were living at tlie 
Neil House, he never left that hotel for his office without stopping 
at the entrance to the Capitol grounds and doffing his hat to Mrs. 
McKinley, who would be at her window, and she remained there 
until he passed into the Capitol building. On that spot at the 
entrance to the Ohio Capitol grounds, where he was wont to stop 
and look back at Mrs. McKinley 's window, now stands the McKinley 
monument that was dedicated last September in the presence of 
the largest crowd ever assembled in Columbus. 



\Vhen McKinley was inaugurated as Governor in 1 891, his 
wife was unable to be out of doors and the ceremonies were held 
from the west terrace of the State House, at his request, so that 
Mrs. McKinley could witness the exercises from her >vindow in 
the Neil House. 

]\IcKinley was not only kind, but also very appreciative. He 
had the courtesy of the old school, and never neglected an oppor- 
tunity to express his thanks for the smallest favors, or for any 
work that was well done. He was even tempered — almost perfec- 
tion in that respect. If he was annoyed by applicants or by com- 
plaints, it made no diiference in the even tenor of his way. He 
was always agreeable. 

While McKinley was always dignified, yet he had a delightful 
sense of humor and with his intimates was very fond of a joke, 
but his humor was always scrupuloush^ clean and his anecdotes 
did not need expurgation for parlor use. 

McKinley took the ver}- best care of himself. An almost 
invariable habit was to get out a portion of each daj^ for a good 
walk. He was a believer in fresh air and moderate exercise. In 
this connection it may be interesting to recall the fact that he was 
an excellent horseman, retaining all his proficiency attained in the 
war. On several occasions he had the opportunity to show his 
Staff how to ride a horse, especialh^ on one trip at Canton, when 
he started out with the full military staff in uniform, mounted, and 
returned, after a dash of five miles, with one lone attendant — all 
the others drojiping by the wayside or being distanced. He had 
an excellent constitution to start with and in his youth must have 
been a powerful man physically. 

The way that McKinley had reduced the endurance of public 
life to a science was illustrated in his hand-shaking. He never 
allowed anyone to get the "drop" on him. He always got hold 

iof the other fellow's hand first, and with such a high reach as to 
prevent gripping or squeezing. I probably noticed this custom the 
J more for the reason that I have a lame right arm and always 
I suffer for days afterward from the effect of receptions. I regret 
^hat I was never able to catch on to the McKinley grip. 

I have humbly recalled some little things about McKinley. 
You will hear of the big ones later on this evening. But even 
these little traits of character show him to have been a faithful 
Christian, a devoted husband, a popular campaigner, a charming 
companion, a man of tlie people and for the people and their 
sincere public servant. He bore the olive branch to factions in 
the North, as well as to his brethren in the South. He believed in 
what he himself stood for, and he never advocated any course 
for his own advancement to the detriment of his country or his 
state or his party. 



I will close these random recollections willi a pen picture of 
the man by one who was intimately associated with him, both 
in his private and public life: 

"No ruler of earth was ever more beloved than he. No head 
of government ever knew his people so well. No people ever 
confided in their chief executive so much. He believed that the 
voice of the people is the voice of God, .-md his ear was ever ready 
to receive the word. He knew the fallibility of kings, and be- 
lieved that the people can do no wrong. He never souglit to be a 
leader, but was content to follow the pillar of cloud by day 
and the pillar of fire by night. Yet he had all the qualifications of 
a great general. He could plan a campaign with consummate 
skill and execute it with rare power. He did not hesitate to use 
the abilities of others because, like Lincoln, he feared no man. 
He was great enough to be beyond the suggestion of jealousy and 
good enough to be beyond the possibility of hating, 

"William McKinley was in every way the ideal American. He 
was a composite of the highest types of manhood. He was the 
model gentleman. He lived but one life. He was always the 
same. Something of the tender devotion to liis wTfe seemed to tint 



i 

) and mellow his public life. Those who knew him in his home life 
■* in Canton, in his career in Congress and as Governor of Ohio, 
knew every characteristic of the martyred President. 

"The biographer of William iMcKinley will not be able to 
point out any one quality that made him what he was. He had a 
perfect combination of all. He had poise; he was eminently sane 
and always calm. He knew neither the excess of joy nor the 
depths of sorrow, because, whatever the occasion, he believed, 'It 
is God's way; His will be done.' His spiritual side was particu- 
larly beautiful. He accepted tlie doctrines of the church without 
reservation, and his faith was as near sublime as man may have. 
He had a singularly sweet and powerful voice and was fond of 
joining in congregational singing, and oftentimes, in the privacy 
of his own office, he would 1mm the inspired strains of some good 
old hymn, and if, perchance, a stranger heard, he stood with un- 
covered head until the melody died away. 
I "He died, as he lived, a Christian gentleman — with the love of 

Jail who knew him, with the respect of all mankind. Tlie world is 
I better because he lived in it, and generations to come will be bene- 
jfited by his noble example. As long as men read, tlie name of 
j William McKinley will adorn one of the brightest pages of his- 
tory, and his splendid career will be the polar star of worthy 
emulation." 



WILLIAM McKINLEY 
THE REPRESENTATIVE AMERICAN 

Professer MATTOON MONROE CURTIS. 

js ffjry? there is a lesson in my life or death, let 1 
jit he taught to those who still live and have the 
I destiny of their country in their keeping." 
^^ — William McKinley. 

1. We are here to do homage to one whose character confers 
dignity upon us all. When we consider his rise to the position 
of Chief Executive of the Nation; when we consider his pure life 
and his splendid services; when we consider the dying hero and his 
attitude toward his countrymen, there can be no doubt that William 
McKinley was one of our great representative Americans, and that 
his star shall shine in the future, as it does today, among the 
brightest in the galaxy of American statesmen. 

In those last tragic hours when this great life was ebbing away 
into history, when this mortal was slowly putting on immortality, 
it gave utterance to these significant words: "If there is a lesson 
in my life or death, let it be taught to those who still live and 
have the destiny of their country in their keeping." 

My theme tonight is the message of William McKinley "to 
those who still live and have the destiny of their country in their 
keeping." We shall dwell upon those points wherein he rises 
above the details of practical politics and becomes the expression 
of the fundamental principles that imderlie our institutions. It 
is not the message of the soldier, nor of the congressman, nor of 
the governor, nor of the president, but of the man, the statesman, 
the representative American; the message of the great commoner 
who represented the people, the laws of the people, and the ideals 
of the people. 

2. McKinley was the true exponent of popular government, 
not only because he believed that the seat of political sovereignty 
is and ought to be in the people, but because he knew, loved and 
honored the people as fellow citizens. No one more than he 
believed in the integrity and patriotism of the people or in the 
soundness of public opinion. No one more than he held the respect 
and confidence of all sections and all parties. This mutual sym- 
pathy and trustfulness gave him a prestige as a national leader 
such as few, if any of our great men have ever attained. The 
sudden revival of confidence that immediately followed his election 
in 1896; his great popular victory in 1900; the overwhelming 
grief that fell upon the nation when his light went out, these are 



the tributes that have already been paid by the American people 
to the American representative. He was criticized by shallow 
politicians as "keeping his ear to the ground" and giving too much 
deference to public opinion. This intended reproach was a eulogy 
of the man, for it declares at once his high estimation of the people 
-and his adequate comprehension of the nature of our government. 
Even though there were no monument to McKinley in all our land, 
even though the date of his birth and the site of his grave should 
!be forgotten; even though great organizations should fail to meet 
I' to do him honor— his history would remain inseparably woven into 
the history of his country, and the fragrance of his memory would 
live in the hearts of his people. Such a life as this is an everlasting 
protest against a score of heresies that spring up in little minds 
regarding the nature of our government and of our people. Are 
our people to be trusted.? Are our institutions securely grounded.? 
Is ingratitude the crime of republics? To these questions Mc- 
Kinley in the presidential chair and in the hearts of his countrymen 
is a sufficient answer. 

McKinley 's belief in democracy was supported by a profound 
grasp of the American situation and by what the future of our 
country demands. His democracy was complete. Voltaire once 
said that English society was like English ale— the bottom dregs, 
*^^ ^P ^^P^^' ^i^e^ middle excellent. American societj is" oT the 
excellent middle class— froth Snd"'a'rTgs"Trelnegl'igibfe"f actors'. ' To 
preserve this status is the giant problem that confronts us. It 
can not be put in too glaring colors. Spain is a two class nation, 
froth and dregs. Russia is a two class nation, frotli and dregs. 
They can arise only through the formation of an excellent middle. 
No nation is stronger than its middle class. McKinley saw this, 
and we should all realize it. He did all in his power to preserve 
and augment the great body of industrious and frugal citizenship. 
Anything that tends to decrease the number and power of our great 
middle class is a direct attack not only against our government but 
against the health and prosperity of society. When we see the 
idle rich increasing at the top and the proletariat increasing at the 
bottom it is high time to look after the interests of our institutions. 
There was a time in our history wlicn the larger part of our country 
had a two-class society— masters and slaves. \Miat was the social 
result.? Not only the belief that human rights and liberties were 
limited to white men, but the formation of a great class of poor 
whites whose position became less enviable than that of the slave. 
Not only was the South deteriorating in moral and economic aspects 
but she was demanding that this two-class society should be ex- 
tended to aU new territory and states below an imaginary line and 
that our nation should thus be split in twain from east to west. 
Hence the inevitable conflict came, ^^'hat for.? Not primarily for 



the freedom of the slave; not for the amelioration of the poor 
whites, but for the preservation of the Union ; for the preservation 
of a one-class society before the law. The war of 1861 carried 
on tlie work of the Constitutional Convention of 1787, and it re- 
mains for us to preserve and protect the labors of the fathers. 

As McKinley grasped this great social truth in democracy, so 
he grasped its correspondingly great political truth, that political 
issues should divide the people vertically, not horizontally, that 
rich and poor, high and low should be found in botli political 
parties. If there is anything un-American, if there is anything in- 
I trinsically pernicious in a democracy it is the effort to make hori- 
zontal political issues, to create classes and set class against class. 
This also calls for wise leadership — calls for men of the McKinley 
type who will preserve America as a one-class nation, excellent, 
'^industrious, prosperous from bottom to top, without froth or dregs. 

Once more, he is the representative of wise democracy in keep- 
ing sectional politics out of national issues. No local interest ever 
blindedr McKinley to the interests of the nation as a whole. To 
him there was neither north nor south, nor east nor west. As a 
statesman he stood for all the people, all the time, and everywhere. 
No man did more to smooth all sectional differences and this he 
did without prejudicing a single principle. True he was the great 
protectionist. But the principle of protection can not be impeached 
by referring it to greed or selfishness or sectional interests. He 
believed in protection as a principle not of loot but of justice, not 
for a part, but for all the people — a duty which every man owes 
to himself and which every government owes to its people. 

3. McKinley was the representative of the people's law. I 
do not mean merely the current law made by state and federal 
legislation but the actual crystalizations of public opinion that 
disclose public rights and duties for all the people. 

There is a vast difference between the statesman and the poli- 
tjcian. The jjolitician pins his faith to the working of the game 
or the machine. The statesman grounds his faith in the working 
of principles in the minds and hearts of living freemen. The 
vision of the politician is the vision of the mole; the vision of the 
statesman is the vision of the eagle. McKinley's view of law, 
lawmaking and law administration was that of the statesman. The 
moral and legal were very profound elements in his character. 
They are ingrained in the stock from which he sprung — they are 
in the religion and law of his fathers. He had learned obedience 
to law in his ancestry and his life. He had learned it as a child 
in his home at Niles and Poland. At seventeen years of age he 
heard his country's call and out of that devotion to duty which 
characterized his whole life he obeyed that summons and went 
forth as a priv.ate to stand by the old flag to the finish. He had 



learned it as a soldier in the field ; he exhibited it as a representative 
in Congress. He showed that he had learned reverence and 
obedience to law as the governor of this state and as the chief 
executive of the nation and in that last sad hour he showed that 
he could face the last orders with the same equanimity as he faced 
the enemy at Antietam and in the valley of the Shenando.ih. "It 
is God's way. His will not ours be done." The spirit of law had 
so fully entered his soul; the spirit of justice so fully possessed him 
that the peerless Secretary of State, John Hay, truthfully said of 
him that he "Never had occasion to review a judgment or reverse 
a decision." Whenever justice uttered her voice he listened and 
recognized law. \Miether it thundered from Sinai to command us 
by fear or distilled like the dew from the Mount of Olives to com- 
mand us by love; whether it blazed from the Declaration which 
]iatriotism flung into the face of tyranny or marches in the Consti- 
tution with the solemn logic of constructing a new government, 
wherever it appeared there stood McKinley to welcome it and pledge 
his unqualified support. 

But all law is not the law of the people, it ought to be but 
it is not always so. Not all legislation is solely in the interests 
of all — nor in the interests of the majority. Before the supreme 
court of public conscience some of our laws are lawless — unjust, 
iniquitous. So far as this is true we are teaching our people the 
first principles of resistance to arbitrary power; so far as such 
laws are possible we are giving lawmaking into the hands of an- 
archy. If law is to be respected it must be respectable. If law 
is to be a great and beneficial educator of our people it must be 
light to all good citizens and lightening to every soul that doeth 
evil. Now and again we read, or hear it stated, that there is no com- 
mon law in America. It is only in a very superficial sense that such 
a view can be held. It is surprising that a democracy a sovereign 
people should have no conunon law. The fact is tliat in America 
there is no law but connnon law. Every declaration, every consti- 
tution, every legislative act, every decision of the courts is only 
a more or less adetjuatc expression of the common law. As 
McKinley believed in the people, so he believed in the 
people's law, in the common law, in natural law as 
over against all eonventionalistic and positivistic views of 
law. He believed the common l.iw was just, because it 
expressed the conscience of the people; that it was stable, because 
it represented the growth of centuries of human experience; that 
it was progressive, because it is capable of being modified to meet 
all human exigencies. This has been the belief of all our great 
statesmen from Washington to Roosevelt. For this kind of law 
McKinley stood and every true American must both stand and work. 
As we are always face to face with the question whether we really 



have a democracy so we are always face to face with the question 
whctlier we have a system of laws that is at the same time a system 
of equity. A free people can maintain its freedom only under law 
and it is an eternal vigilence of genius and patriotism that can 
steer the course between anarchy and despotism. But here, as else- 
where, it is the letter that killeth but the spirit that giveth life. 
It is the spirit of the fathers and our own spirits that must triumph 
over our own selfishness and lawlessness. When we think of the 
spirit which made colonial America, we take courage; when we 
think of the spirit that fought the revolution and framed the con- 
stitution, we take courage; when we think of the beginning of the 
Republican party we take courage. When I think of the Chicago 
convention of I860 that dared in its second resolution to re-affirm 
the principles of the Declaration of Independence; when I think 
of the spirit of the old party in those stormy days, of its ideals 
and how men lived and died for them; when I think of Abraham 
Lincoln rising like a great Collossus from the ranks of the people 
and for four long 3'ears never flinching in the face of duty under 
his Herculean tasks; when I think of Garfield and McKinley, 
giants of the people and incarnations of the American spirit of 
justice for all, I feel how vast, how magnificent, how potent is 
the moral capital, not only of the Republican party, but of the 
American people. It is high time that we Republicans in Ohio 
and especially in Cuyahoga County begin going to school to the 
great leaders and principles of the old Republican party. We have 
the vision of the mole. I^et us have the vision of tlie eagle. Let 
us be baptized once again into this spirit; let us dare to re-affirm 
once again the fundamental law of our land; let us catch the spirit 
and march to the music of such great statesmen as Washington, 
Lincoln and McKinley; then shall we insure a government whose 
roots grip into eternal justice and whose blossoms and fruits are 
in the lives and labors of a free and powerful people. 

4. McKinley represented not only the people and the people's 
law but the ideals of the people. It was this that raised him high 
above the politician into the realm of enduring statesmanship. The 
people, its law and its religion stand or fall together. Its law is 
its sense of justice; religion is its sense of freedom. Justice and 
freedom are the two giant pillars upon wliich the great arch of 
democracy rests. These three aspects of our national life have been 
traditionally inseparable in the lives of our great statesmen. They are 
inseparable in the life of William McKinley. It is no accident that 
the greatest statesmen of the world have been idealists harboring a 
profound belief in the destinies of their people under the guidance 
of Providence; it is no accident that from the days of early Egypt 
until our day the great heroes of humanity have recognized a law 
higher than human prescriptions and a power superior to armies 

12 



and navies ; it was no accident that the immortil Mayflower com- 
pact began with the words, "In the name of God, Amen!" In the 
name of God, government began in America, in New Enghind and 
in Virginia, and in the name of God it has been and must be pre- 
served. America has always been imbued with idealism. It has 
unified our people and it constitutes our most pronounced national 
trait. We owe John Calvin much, for he is our spiritual father, 
in religion and government. The Puritans of New England, the 
Cavalier of Virgina, the Dutch of New York, the French Hu- 
guenots, and the Scotch Covenanters were all of them Calvinists 
and all of these are our fathers who carried Calvinism into the 
Declaration and into the Constitution. We, the children, have 
modified the rigors of their creed and softened the asperities of 
their scheme of life, but we dare not call into question their funda- 
mental principles and ideals. When the storm and stress come, 
we argue these principles right up to the throne of God, and accept 
the logic of Calvinism — that, "The voice of thepeople is the voice 
of God." McKinley was according to the flesh and the spirit a 
child of these fathers and he towers before us in giant form pro- 
claiming the same great principles which dwelt so powerfully in 
Franklin, Washington and Lincoln. Does some one say that the 
idealist emphasizes the general and loses sight of particulars? I 
afliirm in view of all the great statesmen and generals and financiers 
and scientists and philosophers whose history is known to us that it 
is only the idealist and the generalizer who knows how to deal with 
particulars, wliile the slaves of detail make up the ranks of bungling 
mediocrity. 

McKinley 's ideals were not idle fancies, but great potential- 
ties for the realization of which he fondly hoped and patiently 
labored. His view of the destiny of the nation was as firm and 
grand as that of Washington when he looked out upon the bound- 
less wilderness of the West. He believed in arbitration, not only 
in international matters, but in all individual differences and in 
all differences between capital and labor. On the floor of the 49th 
congress, in 1886j_he declared, "I beli eve i n arbitration as i princi- 
ple?' As he loved peace so he hated war. When the explosion 
in Havanna harbor, in February, 1898, sent a thrill through the 
nation as a call to war ; when men were eager to clutch the weapons 
of destruction, McKinley, the old soldier who never paled on the 
field of battle, bade the nation pause: "We must wait," he said, 
"until we perceive the justice of our movements," and he kept us 
waiting until he saw that the war was inevitable, and then he 
threw his whole soul into its speedy conclusion. So speedy 
and conclusive was the victory, so humane were the re- 
adjustments, that we scarcely realize today the epoch-makii>g 

13 



significance of tlie McKinley war and the superb statesman- 
ship that controlled its international relations. And then at last 
in that swan-song address at Buffalo we hear his commercial vale- 
dictory to the nation, which should ring in our ears until its mean- 
ing is realized. "Reciprocity treaties are in harmony with the 
spirit of the times, measures of retaliation are not." It is a matter 
for regret that we have so far been unable to secure such a treaty 
with any important European nation. Although reciprocity treaties 
are difficult to secure and when secured are difficult to enforce, 
they represent the high commercial ideal toward which we should 
strive. When w^e consider his moral and political idealism we may 
say that if there was ever a man amongst us who followed the 
"Prince of Peace," that man was William McKinley. 

Such men have made America fortunate above all the lands 
of mother earth; fortunate in her territory, that is able to make 
her the granary of the world; fortunate in her mineral resources, 
so opened as to place her industries and commerce in the van 
of the nations; fortunate in her population, which however hetero- 
genious in race are moulded by the American spirit into a homo- 
genius citizenship; fortunate in her institutions of government, of 
education and of religion, that are ever stimulating her people to 
realize the ideals of the fathers. As long as America can produce 
such men as have guided our destinies to the present time, as long 
as such men command our reverence and fire our devotion to country 
and warn us that "corruption wins not more than honesty," so 
long will our body politic be robust with health and strength, and 
the American spirit be the light and inspiration of the nations of 
the earth. 





THE UNION OF TWE WHIGS F«>R THE 
SAKE CF THE UNION. 




Fine of «lu- Trrr'. its foM* >liiiH (ty. 
1 lie sign ul li. |K' ai.d tr iiiii|>h hi:,'li. 



niR FIJFSIOrNT, 

WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 

FDR virr ri;KsiiirvT, 

JOHN TYLTR. 






♦•on oiiriRMiR, 



ron pnKsiDrNTiAi- elf.ctors. 

SknatoriaI. I'l.trTOBB. 

Wm.JI. I'l r\AM. of \>iu-hi Ktuo Co. 

Unpiv 1 KM.i. ..f WiiyneC... 

-- mpku.Mahkw nr lliimilt-'D. 

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4ih .li»iii A t iK.i.KTT. iif Wiirren. 

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iiih 1'Kiit.Ky U. .loiiNsiiN. of Moryau- 
1 ih .liiHN 1>i'kf:s. of llfiiicoek. 
Ilth (ITHA Uh>.siik.<r. <il Ouemxr 
VIU ■> tMK3 lUdiKT. Iif Alus .inKum. 
1 Ich Chris. .S AIii.i.kr. of <. imhiicton. 
lllh .liiHK Carky, III I 'rnwfonl. 
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li'lb TURK KnsA a.f llenugn. 
ITiii .liiiiv Uattv. iif • arn.li. 
I8ih .li.ii.N An.iwTivit. nISisrk. 
fill .I..UV .!,«is.i5.of fhirrwi.. 



CLEVELAND DAILY HER.UD. 

Tm:nSLiAVE/EN.N(;. APRILS, 1S41I 

N^MSMKn nifl.Y IN TIIK r|[\Tk 1 1. Ill 

\ X^». A^IIAKItlS ' 



Fur Ikt t)ailif I'erutJ. 
CUYAHOGA TIPPECANOE CLUB, 

Ai :i iiieeting of Ihc Whig KU-ciorsof 
Cuyahoga county, for the purpose of 
idojniiig a CoDstitntion for a Coun 
Tippecanoe Club, held April 4th. 1840^ 
Hon. Frederick Whittlesey was called to 
the Chair, and J. M. Hoyt appointe<l 
Sccret;.ry. The Cons itution adopted at 
.i preliminary meetlDg, having been 
r> ad, was unanimously adopted as the 
Constitution of the County Club, after 
making the . following nnieadnicnts, to 
wit: The number of Vice Presidents 
wua iiicnased to2"; the iiiinibcr of Ke- 
cordii.g Secretaries to 3; .niid the num- 
ber of ilie Executive Couiniitiee to K. 

On moiiou, Rosolvcd, Thai the nc.M 
meet i I g of the Tippecanoe Club be hil. 
ut the Log l^ibin. ou Saturday cvt^biug. 
.Vpiil 11th, ai T o'clock, and that subsu'' 
qiienily the regular mefetingsof the Club 
l>e held on the tirst Saturday aXternoou 
of ttach month, at 2 o'clock 

Oil motion, Resolved, that 
miltce appointed at the last 
iiuiain signatures to the Con 
called upon by the Exccuhy 
lo reiwrt at next meetiug 

Ou motion, the clob a*! 
J. M..lIOYr, Secret 





So;iU\ 




LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



013 788 316 8 # 



HoUinger Corp. 



¥ T r> p 



.IBRARY OF CONGRESS 



013 788 316 8 * 



HoUinger Corp. 
pH8.5 



